PTSD

PTSD filled a nosological gap by providing a way to characterize the long-lasting effects of trauma exposure.1 This led to a plethora of previously lacking scientific observations. Now the existence of PTSD is being called into question because some of the original assumptions that helped make the case for it have proved to be incorrect.2-4 However, it is possible to update some of the flawed assumptions of PTSD without rescinding the diagnosis. There is no reason to throw the baby out with the bathwater.

Currently the Veterans Administration (VA) is the world’s largest recipient of per patient funding for PTSD. The VA treats 200,000 veterans with this diagnosis annually at a cost of $4 billion. But research calls into question the very existence of the “PTSD” syndrome, and its diagnostic formulation remains invalid. We do not minimize the suffering of those who experience trauma or the need for comfort and restitution. We seek only to reexamine research evidence, to clarify the impact of culture on diagnosis, to reevaluate the consequences of trauma, and to ensure optimal allocation of resources.

Psychological symptoms develop in some women who are victims of physical, sexual, and psychological abuse, making it difficult for them to regain control.

Chronic posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) may occur secondary to combat, terrorism, civilian assaults including physical and sexual abuse, or other traumatic experiences.

Our returning military veterans remind us dramatically of the importance to consider traumatic brain injury (TBI) as a potential comorbid illness in cases of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The common causes of comorbid TBI and PTSD are assault and battery to the head, head trauma (personal or work-related injuries), civilian or military explosions, inflicted head trauma in children, motor vehicle accidents, and suicide attempts by jumping. Prevalence figures for comorbid TBI and PTSD historically have been lacking

The National Comorbidity Survey estimates that approximately 50% of the population in the United States is exposed to traumatic events and that the lifetime prevalence of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is approximately 7.8%.

Reports of 1 in 5 military service members returning from Iraq or Afghanistan with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and/or depression and rising suicide rates have led researchers and military leaders to warn civilian psychiatric care providers of a “gathering storm”1 headed their way.

Despite an abundance of studies linking both traumatic experiences and anxiety disorders with eating disorders, relatively little has been reported on the prevalence of associated posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or partial PTSD in patients with eating disorders.

In recent years, we have learned a great deal about posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and its public health implications. From 9/11 to Katrina and the present Iraq war, PTSD has been in the forefront of health concerns and public policy.

This is the last installment in a 3-part series discussing the behavioral, cellular, and molecular characteristics of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). In Part 1, I described some basic clinical observations of PTSD and the challenges these observations pose to researchers attempting to understand underlying biological substrates.1 Part 2 examined progress on addressing these challenges at the level of the tissue and cell.2 In Part 3, I will discuss efforts to understand PTSD at the level of DNA, including potential genetic underpinnings and heritable risk factors.

This is the second installment in a 3-part series discussing the behavioral, cellular, and molecular characteristics of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The first installment described clinical aspects of PTSD and how these characteristics make understanding the underlying biological substrates so challenging. In this installment, I discuss progress addressing these challenges at the tissue and cell level. In the final installment, I will review potential genetic underpinnings of PTSD, with emphasis on potentially heritable risk factors.

Having grown up as a "military brat," I have been familiar for decades with how my family's friends coped with war experiences. I did not know the term "PTSD" in those days, but I could see the enduring, horrific marks that posttraumatic stress disorder had left on them. I learned early on that wars could keep killing soldiers long after the peace treaties had been signed and weapons had been rendered silent.

Patients with severe mental illness (SMI), such as schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and major depression, are more likely to have experienced trauma in childhood, adolescence, and throughout their adult lives than the general population. This high exposure to traumatic events such as physical and sexual abuse and assault takes a heavy toll.

Rape is a crime that is defined as an unwanted sexual act that results in oral, vaginal, or anal penetration. Generally speaking, there are 2 major types of rape. Forcible rape involves unwanted sexual penetration obtained by the use of force or threat of force. Drug- or alcohol-facilitated rape occurs when the victim is passed out or highly intoxicated because of voluntary or involuntary consumption of alcohol or drugs. Rape can happen to boys and men as well as to girls and women but this article will focus primarily on women.

It is not uncommon for combat veterans to exhibit a wide range of psychological conditions, from schizophrenia to depression to posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), but how do these disorders affect domestic partners, who often serve as veterans' caregivers?

Just 2 minutes before an episode of the television show Boston Legal aired, Roger Pitman, MD, professor of psychiatry at Harvard Medical School, received a telephone call from his sister-in-law informing him that the show would include a segment on propranolol, a drug he was researching for the prevention and treatment of PTSD.

Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a severe and often chronic anxiety disorder that can develop following exposure to an event involving actual or perceived threat to the life or physical integrity of oneself or another person. Epidemiological studies such as the National Comorbidity Survey1 estimate that more than half the population of the United States has experienced one or more traumatic events and that 8% of the population has met criteria for lifetime PTSD. Thus, trauma and PTSD are significant mental health problems.

The following 3 cases illustrate the diagnostic challenges related to differentiating brain injury and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in patients presenting to the emergency department (ED) in the acute period following a traumatic injury. Such patients pose a dilemma for ED clinicians because of the interplay between head injury and PTSD in the clinical presentation of cognitive impairments in the aftermath of trauma.

As many as 90% of Americans are exposed to at least one traumatic event in the course of their lives. Many more are exposed to more than one traumatic event. Short- and long-term sequelae of traumatic exposure vary greatly and range from complete recovery, to severe and debilitating PTSD.

Pilot studies show that preventing PTSD after vulnerable persons are exposed to extreme life-threatening trauma is possible, although we are in the very early stages of knowing exactly what to do.

stress, trauma

Attempting litigation based on a claim of posttraumatic stress disorder can be difficult. What is the proper DSM definition of PTSD and in what ways can and can't it be used in court to properly defend a client? What should the role of the psychiatrist be in this process?

Posttraumatic stress disorder is one of the most devastating psychiatric disorders. Research has shown that a combination of multiple genes can lead to conditions for PTSD. Environmental factors, as well as comorbidities, must also be considered when looking for genetic conditions of PTSD.

Cognitive-behavioral therapy can be tailored for use with children who have experienced sexual abuse in order to relieve symptoms of PTSD.

The distress and functional impairment associated with PTSD may make it difficult for IPV victims to benefit from interventions to increase their safety and reduce their exposure to violence. Empirically supported PTSD treatments include pharmacotherapy and cognitive behavioral therapy. Incorporating these treatments into interventions to improve victims' safety and reduce exposure to violence may improve their effectiveness in protecting women from IPV.

Individuals exposed to horrifying, life-threatening events are at heightened risk for posttraumatic stress disorder. Given the substantial personal and societal costs of chronic PTSD, mental health care professionals have developed early intervention methods designed to mitigate acute emotional distress and prevent the emergence of posttraumatic psychopathology.

There is a long tradition in psychiatry, reaching at least back to World War I, of studying the response of people who are faced with traumatic circumstances and devising ways to restore them to psychological health. The main focus of this work has been on the ways in which traumatic events are precursors to psychological and physical problems.

What is secondary traumatization? The authors discuss current research and implications for this controversial and emerging field of study.

The majority of people experience acute stress symptoms following trauma, but the development of posttraumatic stress disorder is the exception rather than the rule. Some investigators hypothesize that PTSD develops following increased nervous system response to trauma. Why only a minority of individuals experience this response, what their risk factors are and when should they be treated is the subject of ongoing research.

Combination treatment with both a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor and a form of cognitive-behavioral therapy may be more effective than either treatment alone for this debilitating and often chronic disorder.